"ETHNO-SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE KAZAKH SOCIETY OF THE XVII-XVIII CENTURIES"
BYKOV ANDREY YURIEVICH
Doctor of Historical Sciences, PhD / Doctor of Philosophy
Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences
In the conditions of the arid zone of Eurasia, during a long period of historical development, extensive pastoralism was the only possible way to develop the ecumene. The genesis of nomadism was accompanied by the formation and conservation of the potestary structure, peculiar social relations and mentality, as well as the development of a peculiar intra-ethnic system.
The Kazakh society was structured according to the consanguineous, genealogical principle, expressed in the existence of a tribal and zhuz organization. The Kazakh ethnos is a complex hierarchical ethnic system. The highest step of the taxonomic hierarchy is occupied by zhuzes, tribal associations and tribes. The question of the causes and time of the formation of the zhuz system is debatable in science. The most reasonable is the point of view of V.P. Yudin, who believed that zhuzes arose no later than the beginning of the 17th century, when their existence is recorded in written sources. The first reliable mention of the Kazakh zhuzes refers to sources dated 1616 [22, p. 14-57]. The lower taxonomic level is occupied by an aul and a large patriarchal family (taking into account polygamy). Genus is the central link connecting the upper and lower taxonomic levels.
In the historical literature there is no common understanding of the term "Kazakh clan". In particular, a very broad interpretation of this category has been established in Russian historiography. Such associations as argyn, kypchak, bayuly, shaprashty, ysty are called genus. As ethnological studies show, the above-mentioned ethnic units are tribes, and bayuls are even a union of tribes. At the same time, such units as karakesek, adai, etc., which correspond to the Kazakh concept of “ru” (genus), are also called genus in domestic science. We will consider the concept of genus in the latter sense.
The Kazakh clan is a historical phenomenon. The formation of clans, their fragmentation and disappearance are recorded both by ethnographic and written sources. The formation of new clans is based on the so-called seven-generation system of kinship (jetiru). As the modern Kazakh ethnographer M.S. Zhakin, in reality, a rigid seven-generation system did not exist, it could be eight-, nine-, etc. generational system of genealogical relationship [3, p. 22-33]. However, relatives up to the seventh generation were always considered close, marriages between them were forbidden, violation of the ban was punishable by death. Thus, the clan system contributed to the formation of a polystructural clan exogamous ethnic community.
Tribalism in the Kazakh society was closely connected with the process of ethnogenesis. Sociogenesis within the nomadic community proceeded in parallel and merged with ethnogenesis. Under the conditions of extensive nomadic pastoralism, low density and high geographical mobility of the population, social ties were manifested, first of all, within the framework of an extraterritorial community. The status of an individual was largely determined by the status of the corporation to which he belonged, and only then by his personal qualities. Therefore, ethnogenetic processes played such a significant role in socio- and politogenesis.
The preservation and transmission of the nomadic tradition took place mainly at the level of the tribal community. Belonging to the clan for centuries remained the main parameter of the personal identification of the Kazakhs. If the Kazakhs did not have geographical localization due to the peculiarities of the way of doing business, then the presence of tribal and clan affiliation in their social relations is very clearly traced [1, l. 11 rev.].
Three - Ulu (Elder), Orta (Middle) and Kishi (Younger, Lesser) zhuzes included unions of tribes, tribes, clans, generations, sub-clades, branches and auls.
Traditionally, the Kazakhs of the Senior and Middle zhuzes used the greatest authority and influence among their relatives, the smallest - the Younger. At the same time, there was also an intrazhuz hierarchy of clans and tribes. The Elder Zhuz included tribes: Zhalair, Shakty, Dulat, Kanly, Shynyshkly, Alban, Suan, Shaprashty, Saryuisyn, Sergely, Ysty. The middle zhuz was made up of tribes: Argyn, Naiman, Kypshak, Kerey, Uak, Tarakty and Konrad. The Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz were divided into three large generations (union of tribes): Alimuly, Bayuly and Zhetyru [2, l. 1-19; 15, p. 239-250]. In their zhuzes, representatives of the subdivisions of the Zhalair, Saryuisyn (Senior Zhuz), Argyn (Middle), Alshyn (Alchin) and Adai (Junior Zhuz) tribes traditionally enjoyed the greatest authority and influence.
Hierarchies also existed within tribes and clans. The genus occupied a central place in ethnic stratification. The position of the clan in the intra-ethnic hierarchy depended on a number of basic indicators: origin, population, economic and military strength. Moreover, the last three criteria are interdependent. Thus, the Isentimir clan (the generation of bayuly, the Younger zhuz) was the poorest, did not enjoy either respect or honor. Whereas aday (also a generation) is the most warlike clan, numerous and rich in cattle. Relations between representatives of clans that occupied a different polar position in intra-ethnic stratification were not legitimized by adat, but were fixed by custom, and were reflected in such a form of ethnographic sources as proverbs and sayings [19, l. 96-99 vol.; 7, p. 63; 16, p. 24; 18, 251-293].
Birth status was not a constant. The position of clans in the hierarchy was not strictly dependent on belonging to any zhuz. The status of the clan periodically increased, first of all, among those who conducted armed operations against external neighbors - Kokand, Khiva, Dzungaria, China or Russia. The conclusion of I.V. Erofeeva that at the level of public consciousness of the Kazakh society, patronage-client relations fully corresponded to the personified type of perception of power structures, which were perceived by Kazakh nomads in the categories of meritocracy and genealogical seniority [4].
As noted above, among the majority of Kazakh clans there was a custom of exogamy, which prohibited marriages between relatives until the seventh generation. This custom did not apply to ak suek and asyl suek. They were endogamous, even cousin marriages were found among them. This position was fixed by adat [11, p. 136]. These two endogamous groups, which were outside the traditional multi-stage taxonomic ladder of blood and genealogical relationships, traced their origin to foreigners, which allowed them to have their own adats, recognized by the rest of the patronymic units of the Kazakhs. They did not have their own "ancestral territory", living in the entire area of Kazakh settlement, not being members of their communities.
Genghisides belonged to the first category - tore. Often they were called ak suek (white bone) in contrast to the rest of the Kazakhs, who were called kara suek (black bone). The emergence of this group is associated with the Mongol conquest, after which the descendants of Genghis Khan acquired an elite status in the Turkic environment, associated with the supposedly extraterrestrial origin of their ancestor, and became a tradition enshrined in customary law. Thus, Zheti Zhargy provided for ninefold responsibility of karasueks for crimes against Chingizids [8, p. 318-323].
Ak Suyek were an extraterritorial group that was not part of the zhuz system. The attributes of their power were: the right to use a white felt mat, use a special uranium (battle cry) - Arkar, for a long time they were not subject to the court of biys - only the khan could judge them, corporal punishment could not be applied to them, any representative of the kara suek was obliged to meeting with Genghisides, kneel and call him “taksyr” (lord), and if Genghisides was on foot, and kara suyek was on horseback, then sharua was obliged to give the horse to the sultan [14, l. 19]. If a representative of the kara suyek was convicted of pretending to be a sultan, he was recognized as a criminal and sentenced to 15-30 blows with a whip. The punishment for marrying an ak suyek was the same as for killing a man. The only duty of the sultans in the Kazakh society was military [17, p. 20-22].
Usually the tore were the leaders of the military militias, khans were elected only from among them. Until the 18th century exclusively, and in the XIX-XX centuries. preferably, the functions of the rulers were sent by the sultans. They collected irregular fees, non-systematic duties were served in their favor, a significant part of them within the Russian Empire represented the lower and middle links of the colonial apparatus, many of them received the title of nobility, and several Kazakh Genghisides received the princely title.
In the Kazakh nomadic society, power was not institutionalized. Officialdom as a special layer of management did not exist. In the middle of the XVIII century. Orenburg Governor-General I.I. In this regard, Neplyuev wrote to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs that “Kyrgyz-Kaisatsky (Kazakh - A.B.) hordes are under the name of different owners and foremen, none of which not only has perfect power, but has no lower direct command” [ 3, l. 119 vol.]. Similar assessments can be found among travelers of that time [19, l. 117 about .; 9, p. 17].
The administration of power was combined in the Kazakh society with the usual industrial cattle-breeding practice. Under such conditions, the organization of power, characteristic of European or even Dzungarian statehood, could not arise. Among the Kazakhs, the regulator of social practice was not written law and the state, but custom and the community [12, l. 42 vol.; 20, p. 215-217].
The second endogamous elite group of Kazakhs were the senders of the Muslim cult in the steppe - kozha. Otherwise, they were also called asyl suek (good bone). Common law, as well as for the sultans, allocated privileges to this group. For crimes against them, sevenfold responsibility was provided in comparison with a similar crime against an ordinary Kazakh. They, like the sultans, had the right to punish Sharua, but only with the consent of the council [11, p. 42-45]. Kozha were considered descendants of Ali, the fourth Arab Caliph, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, which sacralized their genealogy and determined their high social status. Their political influence in the steppe was insignificant, which is explained by the relative small number of the group, the weak Islamization of the traditional society of Kazakh nomads [13, l. 26v.], significant competition from the senders of pagan cults - bucks [10, p. 114-135], and somewhat later from the Central Asian and Tatar mullahs.
High self-esteem and the desire to distance themselves from kara suek, up to the custom of endogamy, allow us to talk about the existence of ak suek and asyl suek castes in traditional Kazakh society.
The scope of the genealogical relationship of Kazakh nomads was wide and permeated the entire system of social relations and ideas, being its integral component. In the lower levels of the tribal organization (aul, branch, clan), patronymy regulated the issues of inheritance of property, guardianship, the right of levirate and amengers, material support for rituals, at the level of higher groups (tribe, union of tribes, zhuz) - power, ideology, politics.
In general, the traditional Kazakh society at the turn of the 17th-18th centuries, in our opinion, should be attributed to the integral type of traditionalism, in which for a long time they remain unchanged, are observed and authentically reproduced in the ethnic and tribal environment from ancient times assimilated traditions, “understood as valuable to life and ensuring its well-being”. Such traditionalism "is satisfied only if the traditionalist view penetrates into all spheres - the sphere of politics, economics, culture and religion and unites them in a common understanding of the sacrum received from the past" [21, p. 370]. It is characterized by social totality, when the whole life of individuals is subject to social control; he is unconscious as long as he is stable, material and spiritual culture is understood as an indivisible whole, and the change of fragments poses a threat to the existence of the whole. The existing intra-ethnic stratification, which predetermined weak mobility within the strata (zhuzes, tribes), is not just a reflection of this type of traditionalism, but in many ways was a factor that determined the uniqueness of the traditional ethno-social and ethno-political organization of the Kazakh society of the pre- and early imperial period, adapted to the external environment and, no matter how strange and contradictory it may seem, turned out to be able to adapt to the conditions of modernization, especially at the middle and lower taxonomic levels.
Read other articles by the author
The Kazakh society was structured according to the consanguineous, genealogical principle, expressed in the existence of a tribal and zhuz organization. The Kazakh ethnos is a complex hierarchical ethnic system. The highest step of the taxonomic hierarchy is occupied by zhuzes, tribal associations and tribes. The question of the causes and time of the formation of the zhuz system is debatable in science. The most reasonable is the point of view of V.P. Yudin, who believed that zhuzes arose no later than the beginning of the 17th century, when their existence is recorded in written sources. The first reliable mention of the Kazakh zhuzes refers to sources dated 1616 [22, p. 14-57]. The lower taxonomic level is occupied by an aul and a large patriarchal family (taking into account polygamy). Genus is the central link connecting the upper and lower taxonomic levels.
In the historical literature there is no common understanding of the term "Kazakh clan". In particular, a very broad interpretation of this category has been established in Russian historiography. Such associations as argyn, kypchak, bayuly, shaprashty, ysty are called genus. As ethnological studies show, the above-mentioned ethnic units are tribes, and bayuls are even a union of tribes. At the same time, such units as karakesek, adai, etc., which correspond to the Kazakh concept of “ru” (genus), are also called genus in domestic science. We will consider the concept of genus in the latter sense.
The Kazakh clan is a historical phenomenon. The formation of clans, their fragmentation and disappearance are recorded both by ethnographic and written sources. The formation of new clans is based on the so-called seven-generation system of kinship (jetiru). As the modern Kazakh ethnographer M.S. Zhakin, in reality, a rigid seven-generation system did not exist, it could be eight-, nine-, etc. generational system of genealogical relationship [3, p. 22-33]. However, relatives up to the seventh generation were always considered close, marriages between them were forbidden, violation of the ban was punishable by death. Thus, the clan system contributed to the formation of a polystructural clan exogamous ethnic community.
Tribalism in the Kazakh society was closely connected with the process of ethnogenesis. Sociogenesis within the nomadic community proceeded in parallel and merged with ethnogenesis. Under the conditions of extensive nomadic pastoralism, low density and high geographical mobility of the population, social ties were manifested, first of all, within the framework of an extraterritorial community. The status of an individual was largely determined by the status of the corporation to which he belonged, and only then by his personal qualities. Therefore, ethnogenetic processes played such a significant role in socio- and politogenesis.
The preservation and transmission of the nomadic tradition took place mainly at the level of the tribal community. Belonging to the clan for centuries remained the main parameter of the personal identification of the Kazakhs. If the Kazakhs did not have geographical localization due to the peculiarities of the way of doing business, then the presence of tribal and clan affiliation in their social relations is very clearly traced [1, l. 11 rev.].
Three - Ulu (Elder), Orta (Middle) and Kishi (Younger, Lesser) zhuzes included unions of tribes, tribes, clans, generations, sub-clades, branches and auls.
Traditionally, the Kazakhs of the Senior and Middle zhuzes used the greatest authority and influence among their relatives, the smallest - the Younger. At the same time, there was also an intrazhuz hierarchy of clans and tribes. The Elder Zhuz included tribes: Zhalair, Shakty, Dulat, Kanly, Shynyshkly, Alban, Suan, Shaprashty, Saryuisyn, Sergely, Ysty. The middle zhuz was made up of tribes: Argyn, Naiman, Kypshak, Kerey, Uak, Tarakty and Konrad. The Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz were divided into three large generations (union of tribes): Alimuly, Bayuly and Zhetyru [2, l. 1-19; 15, p. 239-250]. In their zhuzes, representatives of the subdivisions of the Zhalair, Saryuisyn (Senior Zhuz), Argyn (Middle), Alshyn (Alchin) and Adai (Junior Zhuz) tribes traditionally enjoyed the greatest authority and influence.
Hierarchies also existed within tribes and clans. The genus occupied a central place in ethnic stratification. The position of the clan in the intra-ethnic hierarchy depended on a number of basic indicators: origin, population, economic and military strength. Moreover, the last three criteria are interdependent. Thus, the Isentimir clan (the generation of bayuly, the Younger zhuz) was the poorest, did not enjoy either respect or honor. Whereas aday (also a generation) is the most warlike clan, numerous and rich in cattle. Relations between representatives of clans that occupied a different polar position in intra-ethnic stratification were not legitimized by adat, but were fixed by custom, and were reflected in such a form of ethnographic sources as proverbs and sayings [19, l. 96-99 vol.; 7, p. 63; 16, p. 24; 18, 251-293].
Birth status was not a constant. The position of clans in the hierarchy was not strictly dependent on belonging to any zhuz. The status of the clan periodically increased, first of all, among those who conducted armed operations against external neighbors - Kokand, Khiva, Dzungaria, China or Russia. The conclusion of I.V. Erofeeva that at the level of public consciousness of the Kazakh society, patronage-client relations fully corresponded to the personified type of perception of power structures, which were perceived by Kazakh nomads in the categories of meritocracy and genealogical seniority [4].
As noted above, among the majority of Kazakh clans there was a custom of exogamy, which prohibited marriages between relatives until the seventh generation. This custom did not apply to ak suek and asyl suek. They were endogamous, even cousin marriages were found among them. This position was fixed by adat [11, p. 136]. These two endogamous groups, which were outside the traditional multi-stage taxonomic ladder of blood and genealogical relationships, traced their origin to foreigners, which allowed them to have their own adats, recognized by the rest of the patronymic units of the Kazakhs. They did not have their own "ancestral territory", living in the entire area of Kazakh settlement, not being members of their communities.
Genghisides belonged to the first category - tore. Often they were called ak suek (white bone) in contrast to the rest of the Kazakhs, who were called kara suek (black bone). The emergence of this group is associated with the Mongol conquest, after which the descendants of Genghis Khan acquired an elite status in the Turkic environment, associated with the supposedly extraterrestrial origin of their ancestor, and became a tradition enshrined in customary law. Thus, Zheti Zhargy provided for ninefold responsibility of karasueks for crimes against Chingizids [8, p. 318-323].
Ak Suyek were an extraterritorial group that was not part of the zhuz system. The attributes of their power were: the right to use a white felt mat, use a special uranium (battle cry) - Arkar, for a long time they were not subject to the court of biys - only the khan could judge them, corporal punishment could not be applied to them, any representative of the kara suek was obliged to meeting with Genghisides, kneel and call him “taksyr” (lord), and if Genghisides was on foot, and kara suyek was on horseback, then sharua was obliged to give the horse to the sultan [14, l. 19]. If a representative of the kara suyek was convicted of pretending to be a sultan, he was recognized as a criminal and sentenced to 15-30 blows with a whip. The punishment for marrying an ak suyek was the same as for killing a man. The only duty of the sultans in the Kazakh society was military [17, p. 20-22].
Usually the tore were the leaders of the military militias, khans were elected only from among them. Until the 18th century exclusively, and in the XIX-XX centuries. preferably, the functions of the rulers were sent by the sultans. They collected irregular fees, non-systematic duties were served in their favor, a significant part of them within the Russian Empire represented the lower and middle links of the colonial apparatus, many of them received the title of nobility, and several Kazakh Genghisides received the princely title.
In the Kazakh nomadic society, power was not institutionalized. Officialdom as a special layer of management did not exist. In the middle of the XVIII century. Orenburg Governor-General I.I. In this regard, Neplyuev wrote to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs that “Kyrgyz-Kaisatsky (Kazakh - A.B.) hordes are under the name of different owners and foremen, none of which not only has perfect power, but has no lower direct command” [ 3, l. 119 vol.]. Similar assessments can be found among travelers of that time [19, l. 117 about .; 9, p. 17].
The administration of power was combined in the Kazakh society with the usual industrial cattle-breeding practice. Under such conditions, the organization of power, characteristic of European or even Dzungarian statehood, could not arise. Among the Kazakhs, the regulator of social practice was not written law and the state, but custom and the community [12, l. 42 vol.; 20, p. 215-217].
The second endogamous elite group of Kazakhs were the senders of the Muslim cult in the steppe - kozha. Otherwise, they were also called asyl suek (good bone). Common law, as well as for the sultans, allocated privileges to this group. For crimes against them, sevenfold responsibility was provided in comparison with a similar crime against an ordinary Kazakh. They, like the sultans, had the right to punish Sharua, but only with the consent of the council [11, p. 42-45]. Kozha were considered descendants of Ali, the fourth Arab Caliph, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, which sacralized their genealogy and determined their high social status. Their political influence in the steppe was insignificant, which is explained by the relative small number of the group, the weak Islamization of the traditional society of Kazakh nomads [13, l. 26v.], significant competition from the senders of pagan cults - bucks [10, p. 114-135], and somewhat later from the Central Asian and Tatar mullahs.
High self-esteem and the desire to distance themselves from kara suek, up to the custom of endogamy, allow us to talk about the existence of ak suek and asyl suek castes in traditional Kazakh society.
The scope of the genealogical relationship of Kazakh nomads was wide and permeated the entire system of social relations and ideas, being its integral component. In the lower levels of the tribal organization (aul, branch, clan), patronymy regulated the issues of inheritance of property, guardianship, the right of levirate and amengers, material support for rituals, at the level of higher groups (tribe, union of tribes, zhuz) - power, ideology, politics.
In general, the traditional Kazakh society at the turn of the 17th-18th centuries, in our opinion, should be attributed to the integral type of traditionalism, in which for a long time they remain unchanged, are observed and authentically reproduced in the ethnic and tribal environment from ancient times assimilated traditions, “understood as valuable to life and ensuring its well-being”. Such traditionalism "is satisfied only if the traditionalist view penetrates into all spheres - the sphere of politics, economics, culture and religion and unites them in a common understanding of the sacrum received from the past" [21, p. 370]. It is characterized by social totality, when the whole life of individuals is subject to social control; he is unconscious as long as he is stable, material and spiritual culture is understood as an indivisible whole, and the change of fragments poses a threat to the existence of the whole. The existing intra-ethnic stratification, which predetermined weak mobility within the strata (zhuzes, tribes), is not just a reflection of this type of traditionalism, but in many ways was a factor that determined the uniqueness of the traditional ethno-social and ethno-political organization of the Kazakh society of the pre- and early imperial period, adapted to the external environment and, no matter how strange and contradictory it may seem, turned out to be able to adapt to the conditions of modernization, especially at the middle and lower taxonomic levels.
Read other articles by the author
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